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ELITE Vol.1, Issue 33, July 2021 Express freely
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I do not deny the charge of the United Nations, because they have a Hussein Abdelradi: Could the (known group) and the group in
preserved post-conflict list, and I have no disagreement with these the rival Libyan Parliament be agreed to gain bilateral profits?
principles, but it does not work with all situations and not in the Anything can be agreed, of course, but it's partially internal, and
same way. much of it is through the agency, but will this group be satisfied
Iman: What is the importance of the Egyptian - Turkish that Marshal Haftar will be elected as President of the Republic in
rapprochement and its role in resolving the Libyan crisis? case of his candidacy? I don't know, so there are going to be very
The Egyptian - Turkish role will have a very direct impact, and this strong tests related to this default agreement.
is evident in the words of the President of Turkey, and Libya for
both sides is a very important element, especially for Turkey because
it supports (a group known to all) and does not want it to lose, and
the group is showing Libya as its last stronghold to exercise power.
And if the two parties don't communicate by consensus, there's a big
problem. But in general, Turkey will not leave Libya easily, and vice
versa, Libya for Egypt is a matter of life or death.
Fawaz of Yemen: My question is about the problem of time,
which has been an obstacle to the constitutional process and it’s
still ongoing. Why wasn’t the precedent constitution used in the
creation of the new constitution?
I have good experience in Yemeni constitutional matters, and some
cases are compared between the Yemen and Libyan constitutions,
and we hope that Yemen will emerge from the current pouch
because there is a conflict in Yemen that is much stronger than
Libya, which is also a war of agency. The world responded, of
course, to the old Constitution. In Egypt, I do not believe that there is
a Constitutional Commission until the 2014 Constitution did not use
previous constitutions. This is therefore a major source of the Libyan
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Constitution, but in my view, the 1951 Constitution does not align
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with the current time and does not fit the humanitarian-development,
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for example, the 1951 Constitution does not allow women to vote.
The most important criticism of the Constitution is that it was a
federal or federal constitution, an extreme model of decentralization
that is not well applied in our Arab world.

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